CHAPTER II: Mexican
Mythology
Nahua Religion
THE religion of the ancient Mexicans was a
polytheism or worship of a pantheon of deities, the general aspect of which presented
similarities to the systems of Greece and Egypt. Original influences, however, were strong,
and they are especially discernible in the institutions of ritualistic cannibalism and human
sacrifice. Strange resemblances to Christian practice were observed in the Aztec mythology
by the Spanish Conquistadores, who piously condemned the native customs of baptism,
consubstantiation, and confession as frauds founded and perpetuated by diabolic
agency.
A superficial examination of the Nahua religion might lead to the inference
that within its scope and system no definite theological views were embraced and no ethical
principles propounded, and that the entire mythology presents only the fantastic attitude of
the barbarian mind toward the eternal verities. Such a conclusion would be both erroneous
and unjust to a human intelligence of a type by no means debased. As a matter of fact, the
Nahua displayed a theological advancement greatly superior to that of the Greeks or Romans,
and quite on a level with that expressed by the Egyptians and Assyrians. Toward the period
or the Spanish occupation the Mexican priesthood was undoubtedly advancing to the
contemplation of the exaltation of one god, whose worship was fast excluding that of similar
deities, and if our data are too imperfect to allow us to speak very fully in regard to this
phase of religious advancement, we know at least that much of the Nahua ritual and many of
the prayers preserved by the labours of the Spanish fathers are unquestionably genuine, and
display the attainment of a high religious level.
Cosmology
Aztec theology
postulated an eternity which, however, was not without its epochs. It was thought to be
broken up into a number of aeons, each of which depended upon the period of duration of a
separate "sun." No agreement is noticeable among authorities on Mexican mythology
as to the number of these "suns," but it would appear as probable that the
favourite tradition stipulated for four "suns " or epochs, each of which concluded
with a national disaster-flood, famine, tempest, or fire. The present veon, they feared,
might conclude upon the completion of every " sheaf " of fifty-two years, the
" sheaf " being a merely arbitrary portion of an veon. The period of time from the
first creation to the current aeon was variously computed as 15,228, 2386, or 1404 solar
years, the discrepancy and doubt arising because of the equivocal nature of the numeral
signs expressing the period in the pinturas or native paintings. As regards the sequence of
"suns" there is no more agreement than there is regarding their number. The Codex
Vaticanus states it to have been water, wind, fire, and famine. Humboldt gives it as hunger,
fire, wind, and water; Boturini as water, famine, wind, and fire; and Gama as hunger, wind,
fire, and water.
In all likelihood the adoption of tour ages arose from the sacred
nature of that number. The myth doubtless shaped itself upon the tonalamatl (Mexican
native calendar), the great repository of the wisdom of the Nahua race, which the priestly
class regarded as its vade mecum, and which was closely consulted by it on every occasion.
civil or religious.
The Sources of Mexican Mythology
Our knowledge of the
mythology of the Mexicans is chiefly gained through the works of those Spaniards, lay and
cleric, who entered the country along with or immediately subsequent to the Spanish
Conquistadores. From several of these we have what might be called first-hand accounts of
the theogony and ritual of the Nahua people. The most valuable compendium is that of Father
Bernardino Sahagun, entitled A General History of the Afairs of New Spain, which was
published from manuscript only in the middle of last century, though written in the first
half of the sixteenth century. Sahagun arrived in Mexico eight years after the country had been
reduced by the Spaniards to a condition of servitude. He obtained a thorough mastery of the
Nahuatl tongue, and conceived a warm admiration for the native mind and a deep interest in
the antiquities of the conquered people. His method of collecting facts concerning their
mythology and history was as effective as it was ingenious. He held daily conferences with
reliable Indians, and placed questions before them, to which they replied by symbolical
paintings detailing the answers which he required. These he submitted to scholars who had
been trained under his own supervision, and who, after consultation among), themselves,
rendered him a criticism in Nahuatl of the hieroglyphical paintings he had placed at their
disposal. Not content with this process, he subjected these replies to the criticism of a
third body, after which the matter was included in his work. But ecclesiastical intolerance
was destined to keep the work from publication for a couple of centuries. Afraid that such a
volume would be successful in keeping alight the fires of paganism in Mexico, Sahagun's
brethren refused him the assistance he required for its publication. But on his appealing to
the Council of the Indies in Spain he was met with encouragement, and was ordered to
translate his great work into Spanish, a task he undertook when over eighty years of age. He
transmitted the work to Spain, and for three hundred years nothing more was heard of
it.
The Romance of the Lost "Sahagun"
For generations antiquarians
interested in the lore or ancient Mexico bemoaned its loss, until at length one Mufloz, more
indefatigable than the rest, chanced to visit the crumbling library of the ancient convent
of Tolosi, in Navarre. There, among time-worn manuscripts and tomes relating to the early
fathers and the intricacies of canon law, he discovered the lost Sahagun! It was printed
separately by Bustamante at Mexico and by Lord Kingsborough in his collection in 1830, and
has been translated into French by M. Jourdanet. Thus the manuscript commenced in or after
1530 was given to the public after a lapse of no less than three hundred years!
Torquemada
Father Torquemada arrived in the New World about the middle of the
sixteenth century, at which period he was still enabled to take from the lips of such of the
Conquistadores as remained much curious information regarding the circumstances of their
advent. His Monarchia Indiana was first published at Seville in 1615, and in it he
made much use of the manuscript of Sahagun, not then published. At the same time his
observations upon matters pertaining to the native religion are often illuminating and
exhaustive.
In his Storia Antica del Messico the Abbé Clavigero, who
published his work in 1780, did much to disperse the clouds of tradition which hung over
Mexican history and mythology. The clarity of his style and the exactness of his information
render his work exceedingly useful.
Antonio Gama, in his Descripcion Historica y
Cronologica de las dos Piedras, poured a flood of light on Mexican antiquities. His work
was published in 1832. With him maybe said to have ceased the line of Mexican archxologists
of the older school. Others worthy of being mentioned among the older writers on Mexican
mythology (we are not here concerned with history) are Boturini, who, in his Idea de una
Nueva Historia General de la
America Septentrional, gives a vivid picture of native life and
tradition, culled from first-hand communication with the people; Ixdilxochitl, a half-breed,
whose mendacious works, the Relaciones and Historia Chichimeca., are yet valuable
repositories of tradition; José de Acosta, whose Historia Natural y Moral de las
Yndias was published at Seville in 1580; and Gomara, who, in his Historia General de
las Indias (Madrid, 1749), rested upon the authority of the Conquistadores. Tezozomoc's
Chronica Mexicana, reproduced in Lord Kingsborough's great work, is valuable as
giving unique facts regarding the Aztec mythology, as is the Teatro Mexicana of
Vetancurt, published at Mexico in 1697-98.
The Worship of One God
The ritual
of this dead faith of another hemisphere abounds in expressions concerning the unity of the
deity approaching very nearly to many of those we ourselves employ regarding God's
attributes. The various classes of the priesthood were in the habit of addressing the
several gods to whom they ministered as "omnipotent," "endless,"
"invisible," "the one god complete in perfection and unity," and
"the Maker and Moulder of All." These appellations they applied not to one supreme
being, but to the individual deities to whose service they were attached. It may be thought
that such a practice would be fatal to the evolution of a single and universal god. But
there is every reason to believe that Tezcatlipoca, the great god of the air, like the
Hebrew Jahveh, also an air-god, was fast gaining precedence of all other deities, when the
coming of the white man put in end to his chances of sovereignty.
Tezcatlipoca
Tezcatlipoca (Fiery Mirror) was undoubtedly the Jupiter of the
Nahua pantheon. He carried a mirror or shield, from which he took his name, and in which he
was supposed to see reflected the actions and deeds of mankind. The evolution of this god
from the status of a spirit of wind or air to that of the supreme deity of the Aztec people
presents many points of deep interest to students of mythology. Originally the
personification of the air, the source both of the breath of life and of the tempest,
Tezcatlipoca possessed all the attributes of a god who presided over these phenomena. As the
tribal god of the Tezcucans who had led them into the Land of Promise, and had been
instrumental in the defeat of both the gods and men of the elder race they dispossessed,
Tezcatlipoca naturally advanced so speedily in popularity and public honour that it was
little wonder that within a comparatively short space of time he came to be regarded as a
god of fate and fortune, and as inseparably connected with the national destinies. Thus,
from being the peculiar deity of a small band of Nahua immigrants, the prestige accruing
from the rapid conquest made under his tutelary direction and the speedily disseminated
tales of the prowess of those who worshipped him seemed to render him at once the most
popular and the best feared god in Anahuac, therefore the one whose cult quickly
overshadowed that of other and similar gods.
Tezcatlipoca, Overthrower of the
Toltecs
We find Tezcatlipoca intimately associated with the legends which recount
the overthrow of Tollan, the capital of the Toltecs. His chief adversary on the Toltec side
is the god-king Quetzalcoatl, whose nature and reign we will consider later, but whom we
will now merely regard as the enemy of Tezcatlipoca. The rivalry between these gods
symbolises that which existed between the civilised Toltecs and the barbarian Nahua, and is
well exemplified in the following myths.
Myths of Quetzalcoatl and
Tezcatlipoca
In the days of Quetzalcoatl there was abundance of everything necessary
for subsistence. The maize was plentiful, the calabashes were as thick as one's arm, and
cotton grew in all colours without having to be dyed. A variety of birds of rich plumage
filled the air with their songs, and gold, silver, and precious stones were abundant. In the
reign of Quetzalcoad there was peace and plenty for all men.
But this blissful state
was too fortunate, too happy to endure. Envious of the calm enjoyment of the god and his
people the Toltecs, three wicked "necromancers" plotted their downfall. The
reference is of course to the gods of the invading Nahua tribes, the deities
Huitzilopochtli, Titlacahuan or Tezcatlipoca, and Tlacahuepan. These laid evil enchantments
upon the city of Tollan, and Tezcatlipoca in particular took the lead in these envious
conspiracies. Disguised as an aged man with white hair, he presented himself at the palace
of Quetzalcoatl, where he said to the pages. in-waiting: "Pray present me to your
master the king I desire to speak with him."
The pages advised him to retire, as
Quetzalcoatl was indisposed and could see no one. He requested them, however, to tell the
god that he was waiting outside. They did so, and procured his admittance.
On
entering the chamber of Quetzalcoad the wily Tezcatlipoca simulated much sympathy with the
suffering god-king. "How are you, my son?" he asked. "I have brought you a
drug which you should drink, and which will put an end to the course of your
malady."
"You are welcome, old man," replied Quetzalcoad.
I
have known for many days that you would come. I am exceedingly indisposed. The malady
affects my entire system, and I can use neither my hands nor feet."
Tezcatlipoca
assured him that if he partook of the medicine which he had brought him he would immediately
experience a great improvement in health. Quetzalcoatl drank the potion, and at once felt
much revived. The cunning Tezcatlipoca pressed another and still another cup of the potion
upon him, and as it was nothing but pulque, the wine of the country, he speedily
became intoxicated, and was as wax in the hands of his adversary.
Tezcatlipoca and
the Toltecs
Tezcatlipoca, in pursuance of his policy inimical to the Toltec state,
took the form of an Indian of the name of Toueyo (Toveyo), and bent his steps to the
palace of Uemac, chief of the Toltecs in temporal matters. This
worthy had a daughter so fair that she was desired in marriage by many of the Toltecs, but
all to no purpose, as her father refused her hand to one and alL The princess, beholding the
false Toueyo passing her father's palace, fell deeply in love with him, and so tumultuous
was her passion that she became seriously ill because of her longing for him. Uemac, hearing
of her indisposition, bent his steps to her apartments, and inquired of her women the cause
of her illness. They told him that it was occasioned by the sudden passion which had seized
her for the Indian who had recently come that way. Uemac at once gave orders for the arrest
of Toueyo, and he was haled before the temporal chief of Tollan.
"Whence come
you?" inquired Uemac of his prisoner, who was very scantily attired.
"Lord,
I am a stranger, and I have come to these parts to sell green paint," replied
Tezcatlipoca.
"Why are you dressed in this fashion? Why do you not wear a
cloak?" asked the chief.
"My lord, I follow the custom of my country,"
replied Tezcatlipoca.
"You have inspired a passion in the breast of my
daughter," said Uemac. "What should be done to you for thus disgracing
me?"
"Slay me; I care not," said the cunning Tezcatlipoca.
"Nay," replied Uemac, "for if I slay you my daughter will perish. Go to
her and say that she may wed you and be happy."
Now the marriage of Toueyo, to
the daughter of Uemac aroused much discontent among the Toltecs; and they murmured among
themselves, and said: "Wherefore did Uemac give his daughter to this Toueyo?"
Uemac, having got wind of these murmurings, resolved to distract the attention of the
Toltecs by makina war upon the neiahbouringa state of Coatepec.
The Toltecs assembled
armed for the fray, and having arrived at the country of the men of Coatepec they placed
Toueyo in ambush with his body-servants, hoping that he would be slain by their adversaries.
But Toueyo and his men killed a large number of the enemy and put them to flight. His
triumph was celebrated by Uemac with much pomp. The knightly plumes were placed upon his
head, and his body was painted with red and yellow-an honour reserved for those who
distinguished themselves in battle.
Tezcatlipoca's next step was to announce a great
feast in Tollan, to which all the people for miles around were invited. Great crowds
assembled, and danced and sang in the city to the sound of the drum. Tezcatlipoca sang to
them and forced them to accompany the rhythm of his song with their feet. Faster and faster
the people danced, until the pace became so furious that they were driven to madness, lost
their footing, and tumbled pell-mell down a deep ravine, where they were changed into rocks.
Others in attempting to cross a stone bridge precipitated themselves into the water below,
and were changed into stones.
On another occasion Tezcatlipoca presented himself as a
valiant warrior named Tequiua, and invited all the inhabitants of Tollan and its environs to
come to the flower-garden called Xochitla. When assembled there he attacked them with a hoe,
and slew a great number, and others in panic crushed their comrades to death.
Tezcatlipoca and Tlacahuepan on another occasion repaired to the market-place of Tollan,
the former displaying upon the palm of his hand a small infant whom he caused to dance and
to cut the most amusing capers. This infant was in reality Huitzilopochdi, the Nahua god of
war. At this sight the Toltecs crowded upon one another for the purpose of getting a better
view, and their eagerness resulted in many being crushed to death. So enraged were the
Toltecs at this that upon the advice of Tlacahuepan they slew both Tezcatlipoca and
Huitzilopochtli. When this had been done the bodies of the slain gods gave forth such a
pernicious effluvia that thousands the Toltecs died of the pestilence. The god Tlacahuepan
then advised them to cast out the bodies lest worse befell them., but on their attempting to
do so they discovered their weight to be so great that they could not move them. Hundreds
wound cords round the corpses, but the strands broke, and those who pulled upon them fell
and died suddenly, tumbling one upon the other, and suffocating those upon whom they
collapsed.
The Departure of Quetzalcoatl
The Toltecs were so tormented by
the enchantments of Tezcatlipoca that it was soon apparent to them that their fortunes were
on the wane and that the end of their empire was at hand. Quetzalcoatl, chagrined at the
turn things had taken, resolved to quit Tollan and go to the country of Tlapallan, whence he
had come on his civilising mission to Mexico. He burned all the houses which he had
built, and buried his treasure of gold and precious stones in the deep valleys between the
mountains. He changed the cacao-trees into mezquites, and he ordered all the birds of rich
plumage and song to quit the valley of Anahuac and to follow him to a distance of more than a
hundred leagues. On the road from Tollan he discovered a great tree at a point called
Quauhtitlan. There he rested, and requested his pages to hand him a mirror. Regarding
himself in the polished surface, he exclaimed, "I am old," and from that
circumstance the spot was named Huehuequauhtitlan (Old Quauhtitlan). Proceeding on his way
accompanied by musicians who played the flute, he walked until fatigue arrested his steps,
and he seated himself upon a stone, on which he left the imprint of his hands. This place is
called Temacpalco (The Impress of the Hands). At Coaapan he was met by the Nahua gods, who
were inimical to him and to the Toltecs.
"Where do you go? they asked him.
"Why do you leave your capital?
"I go to Tlapallan," replied
Quetzalcoatl, "whence I came."
"For what reason?" persisted the
enchanters.
My father the Sun has called me thence," replied Quetzalcoatl.
"Go, then, happily," they said, "but leave us the secret of your art, the
secret of founding in silver, of working in precious stones and woods, of painting, and of
feather-working, and other matters."
But Quetzalcoatl refused, and cast all his
treasures into the fountain of Cozcaapa (Water of Precious Stones). At Cochtan he was met by
another enchanter, who asked him whither he was bound, and on learning his destination
proffered him a draught of wine. On tasting the vintage Quetzalcoatl was overcome with
sleep. Continuing his journey in the morning, the god passed between a volcano and the
Sierra Nevada (Mountain of Snow), where all the pages who accompanied him died of cold. He
regretted this misfortune exceedingly, and wept, lamenting their fate with most bitter tears
and mournful songs. On reaching the summit of Mount Poyauhtecatl he slid to the base.
Arriving at the sea-shore, he embarked upon a raft of serpents, and was wafted away toward
the land of Tlapallan.
It is obvious that these legends bear some resemblance to
those of Ixtlilxochitl which recount the fall of the Toltecs. They are taken from Sahagun's
work, Historya General de Nueva España, and are included as well for the sake
of comparison as for their own intrinsic value.
Tezcatlipoca as Doomster
Tezcatlipoca was much more than a mere personification of wind, and if he was regarded as
a life-giver he had also the power of destroying existence. In fact on occasion he appears
as an inexorable death-dealer, and as such was styled Nezahualpilli (The Hungry Chief) and
Yaotzin (The Enemy). Perhaps one of the names by which he was best known was Telpochtli (The
Youthful Warrior), from the fact that his reserve of' strength, his vital force, never
diminished, and that his youthful and boisterous vigour was apparent in the tempest.
Tezcatlipoca was usually depicted as holding in his right hand a dart placed in an atlatl
(spear-thrower), and his mirror-shield with four spare darts in his left. This shield is the
symbol of his power as judge of mankind and upholder of human justice.
The Aztecs
pictured Tezcatlipoca as rioting along the highways in search of persons on whom to wreak
his vengeance, as the wind of night rushes along the deserted roads with more
seemingviolence than it does by day. Indeed one of his names, Yoalli Ehecatl, signifies
"Night Wind." Benches of stone, shaped like those made for the dignitaries of the
Mexican towns, were distributed along the highways for his especial use, that on these he
might rest after his boisterous journeyings. These seats were concealed by green boughs,
beneath which the god was supposed to lurk in wait for his victims. But if one of the
persons he seized overcame him in the struggle he might ask whatever boon he desired, secure
in the promise of the deity that it should be granted forthwith.
It was supposed that
Tezcatlipoca had guided the Nahua, and especially the people of Tezcuco, from a more
northerly clime to the valley of Mexico. But he was not a mere local deity of Tezcuco, his
worship being widely celebrated throughout the country. His exalted position in the Mexican
pantheon seems to have won for him especial reverence as a god of fate and fortune. The
place he took as the head of the Nahua pantheon brought him many attributes which were quite
foreign to his original character. Fear and a desire to exalt their tutelar deity will impel
the devotees of a powerful god to credit him with any or every quality, so that there is
nothing remarkable in the spectacle of the heaping of every possible attribute, human or
divine, upon Tezcatlipoca when we recall the supreme position he occupied in Mexican
mythology. His priestly caste far surpassed in power and in the breadth and activity of its
propaganda the priesthoods of the other Mexican deities. To it is credited the invention of
many of the usages of civilisation, and that it all but succeeded in making his worship
universal is pretty clear, as has been shown. The other gods were worshipped for some
special purpose, but the worship of Tezcatlipoca was regarded as compulsory, and to some
extent as a safeguard against the destruction of the universe, a calamity the Nahua had been
led tn believe might occur through his agency. He was known as Moneneque (The Claimer of
Prayer), and in some of the representations of him an ear of gold was shown suspended from
his hair, toward which small tongues of gold strained upward in appeal of prayer. In times
of national danger, plague, or famine universal prayer was made to Tezcatlipoca. The heads
of the community repaired to his teocalli (temple) accompanied by the people en
masse, and all prayed earnestly together for his speedy intervention. The prayers to
Tezcatlipoca still extant prove that the ancient Mexicans fully believed that he possessed
the power of life and death, and many of them are couched in the most piteous terms.
The Teotleco Festival
The supreme position occupied by Tezcatlipoca in the
Mexican religion is well exemplified in the festival of the Teotleco (Coming of the Gods),
which is fully described in Sahagun's account of the Mexican festivals. Another peculiarity
connected with his worship was that he was one of the few Mexican deities who had any
relation to the expiation of sin. Sin was symbolised by the Nahua as excrement, and in
various manuscripts Tezcatlipoca is represented as a turkey-cock to which ordure is being
offered up.
Of the festival of the Teotleco Sahagun says In the twelfth month a
festival was celebrated in honour of all the gods, who were said to have gone to some
country I know not where. On the last day of the month a greater one was held, because the
gods had returned. On the fifteenth day of this month the young boys and the servitors
decked all the altars or oratories of the gods with boughs, as well as those which were in
the houses, and the images which were set up by the wayside and at the cross-roads. This
work was paid for in maize. Some received a basketful, and others only a few ears. On the
eighteenth day the ever-youthful god Tlamatzincatl or Titlacahuan arrived. It was said that
he marched better and arrived the first because he was strong and young. Food was offered
him in his temple on that night. Every one drank, ate, and made merry. The old people
especially celebrated the arrival of the god by drinking wine, and it was alleged that his
feet were washed by these rejoicings. The last day of the month was marked by a great
festival, on account of the belief that the whole or the gods arrived at that time. On the
preceding night a quantity of flour was kneaded on a carpet into the shape of a cheese, it
being supposed that the gods would leave a footprint thereon as a sign of their return. The
chief attendant watched all night, going to and fro to see if the impression appeared. When
he at last saw it he called out, 'The master has arrived,' and at once the priests of the
temple began to sound the horns, trumpets., and other musical instruments used by them. Upon
hearing this noise every one set forth to offer food in all the temples." The next day
the aged gods were supposed to arrive, and young men disguised as monsters hurled victims
into a huge sacrificial fire.
The Toxcatl Festival
The most remarkable
festival in connection with Tezcatlipoca was the Toxcatl, held in the fifth month. On the
day of this festival a youth was slain who for an entire year previously had been carefully
instructed in the rôle of victim. He was selected from among the best war
captives of the year, and must be without spot or blemish. He assumed the name, garb, and
attributes of Tezcatlipoca himself, and was regarded with awe by the entire populace, who
imagined him to be the earthly representative of the deity. He rested during the day, and
ventured forth at night only, armed with the dart and shield of the god, to scour the roads.
This practice was, of course, symbolical of the wind-god's progress over the nightbound
hiahwavs. He carried also the whistle symbolical of the deity, and made with it a noise such
as the weird wind of night makes when it hurries through the streets. To his arms and legs
small bells were attached. He was followed by a retinue of pages, and at intervals rested
upon the stone seats which were placed upon the highways for the convenience of
Tezcatlipoca. Later in the year he was mated to four beautiful maidens of high birth, with
whom he passed the time in amusement of every description. He was entertained at the tables
of the nobility as the earthly representative of Tezcatlipoca, and his latter days were one
constant round of feasting and excitement. At last the fatal day upon which he must be
sacrificed arrived. He took a tearful farewell of the maidens whom he had espoused, and was
carried to the teocalli of sacrifice, upon the sides of which he broke the musical
instruments with which he had beguiled the time of his captivity. When he reached the summit
he was received by the high-priest, who speedily made him one with the god whom he
represented by tearing his heart out on the stone of sacrifice.
Huitzilopochth, the
War,God
Huitzilopochtli occupied in the Aztec pantheon a place similar to that of
Mars in the Roman. His origin is obscure, but the myth relating to it is distinctly original
in character. It recounts how, under the shadow of the mountain of Coatepec, near the Toltec
city of Tollan, there dwelt a pious widow called Coatlicue, the mother of a tribe of Indians
called Centzonuitznaua) who had a daughter called Coyolxauhqui, and who daily repaired to a
small hill with the intention of offering up prayers to the gods in a penitent spirit of
piety. Whilst occupied in her devotions one day she was surprised by a small ball of
brilliantly coloured feathers falling upon her from on high. She was pleased by the bright
variety of its hues, and placed it in her bosom, intending to offer it up to the sun-god.
Some time afterwards she learnt that she was to become the mother of another child. Her
sons, hearing of this, rained abuse upon her, being incited to humiliate her in every
possible way by their sister Coyolxauhqui.
Coatlicue went about in fear and anxiety;
but the spirit of her unborn infant came and spoke to her and gave her words of
encouragement, soothing her troubled heart. Her sons, however, were resolved to wipe out
what they considered an insult to their race by the death of their mother, and took counsel
with one another to slay her. They attired themselves in their war-gear, and arranged their
hair after the manner of warriors going to battle. But one of their number, Quauitlicac,
relented, and confessed the perfidy of his brothers to the still unborn Huitzilopochtli, who
replied to him: "O brother, hearken attentively to what I have to say to you. I am
fully informed of what is about to happen." With the intention of slaying their mother,
the Indians went in search of her. At their head marched their sister, Coyolxauhqui. They
were armed to the teeth, and carried bundles of darts with which theyintended to kill the
luckless Coatlicue.
Quauitlicac climbed the mountain to acquaint Huitzilopochtli with
the news that his brothers were approaching to kill their mother.
"Mark well
where they are at," replied the infant god. "To what place have they
advanced?"
"To Tzompantitlan," responded Quauitlicac.
Later on
Huitzilopochtli asked: "Where may they be now?"
"At Coaxalco",
was the reply.
Once more Huitzilopochtli asked to what point his enemies had
advanced.
"They are now at Petlac," Quauitlicac replied.
After a
little while Quauitlicac informed Huitzilopochtli that the Centzonuitznaua were at hand
under the leadership of Coyolxauhqui. At the moment of the enemy's arrival Huitzilopochtli
was born, flourishing a shield and spear of a blue colour. He was painted, his head was
surmounted by a panache, and his left leg was covered with feathers. He shattered
Coyolxauhqui with a flash of serpentine lightning, and then gave chase to the
Centzonuitznaua, whom he pursued four times round the mountain. They did not attempt to
defend themselves, but fled incontinently. Many perished in the waters of the adjoining
lake, to which they had rushed in their despair. All were slain save a few who escaped to a
place called Uitzlampa, where they surrendered to Huitzilopochtli and gave up their
arms.
The name Huitzilopochtli signifies "Humming-bird to the left from the
circumstance that the god wore the feathers of the humming-bird, or colibri, on his
left leg. From this it has been inferred that he was a humming-bird totem. The explanation
of Huitzilopochtli's origin is a little deeper than this, however. Among the American
tribes, especially those of the northern continent, the serpent is regarded with the deepest
veneration as the symbol of wisdom and magic. From these sources come success in war. The
serpent also typifies the lightning, the symbol of the divine spear, the apotheosis of
warlike might. Fragments of serpents are regarded as powerful war-physic among many tribes.
Atatarho, a mythical wizard-king of the Iroquois, was clothed with living serpents as with a
robe, and his myth throws light on one of the names of Huitzilopochtli's mother, Coatlantona
(Robe of Serpents). Huitzilopochtli's image was surrounded by serpents, and rested on
serpent-shaped supporters. His sceptre was a single snake, and his great drum was of
serpent-skin.
In American mythology the serpent is closely associated with the bird.
Thus the name of the god Quetzalcoatl is translatable as "Feathered Serpent," and
many similar cases where the conception of bird and serpent have been unified could be
adduced. Huitzilopochtli is undoubtedly one of these. We may regard him as a god the primary
conception of whom arose from the idea of the serpent, the symbol of warlike wisdom and
might, the symbol of the warrior's dart or spear, and the humming-bird, the harbinger of
summer, type of the season when the snake or lightning god has power over the crops.
Huitzilopochtli was usually represented as wearing on his head a waving panache or plume
of hummingbirds' feathers. His face and limbs were striped with bars of blue, and in his
right hand he carried four spears. His left hand bore his shield, on the surface of which
were displayed five tufts of down, arranged in the form of a quincunx. The shield was made
with reeds, covered with eagle's down. The spear he brandished was also tipped with tufts of
down instead of flint. These weapons were placed in the hands of those who as captives
engaged in the sacrificial fight, for in the Aztec mind Hultzilopochtli symbolised the
warrior's death on the gladiatorial stone of combat. As has been said, Huitzilopochtli was
war-god of the Aztecs, and was supposed to have led them to the site of Mexico from their
original home in the north. The city of Mexico took its name from one of its districts,
which was designated by a title of Huitzilopochtli's, Mexitli (Hare of the Aloes).
The War,God as Fertiliser
But Huitzilopochtli was not a war-god alone. As the
serpent-god of lightning he had a connection with summer, the season of lightning, and
therefore had dominion to some extent over the crops and fruits of the earth. The Algonquian
Indians of North America believed that the rattlesnake could raise ruinous storms or grant
favourable breezes. They alluded to it also as the symbol of life, for the serpent has a
phallic significance because of its similarity to the symbol of generation and
fructification. With some American tribes also, notably the Pueblo Indians of Arizona, the
serpent has a solar significance, and with tail in mouth symbolises the annual round of the
sun. The Nahua believed that Huitzilopochtli could grant them fair weather for the
fructification of their crops, and they placed an image of Tlaloc, the rain-god, near him,
so that, if necessary, the war-god could compel the rainmaker to exert his pluvial powers or
to abstain from the creation of floods. We must, in considering the nature of this deity,
bear well in mind the connection in the Nahua consciousness between the pantheon, war, and
the food-supply. If war was not waged annually the gods must go without flesh food and
perish, and if the gods succumbed the crops would fail, and famine would destroy the race.
So it was small wonder that Huitzilopochtli was one of the chief gods of Mexico.
Huitzilopochtli's principal festival was the Toxcatl, celebrated immediately after the
Toxcatl festival of Tezcatlipoca, to which it bore a strong resemblance. Festivals of the
god were held in May and December, at the latter of which an imaze of him, moulded in dough
kneaded with the blood of sacrificed children, was pierced by the presiding priest with an
arrow-an act significant of the death of Huitzilopochtli until his resurrection in the next
year.
Strangely enough, when the absolute supremacy of Tezcatlipoca is remembered,
the high-priest of Huitzilopochtli, the Mexicatl Teohuatzin, was considered to be the
religious head of the Mexican priesthood. The priests of Huitzilopochtli held office by
right of descent, and their primate exacted absolute obedience from the priesthoods of all
the other deities, being regarded as next to the monarch himself in power and
dominion.
Tlaloc, the Rain,God
Tlaloc was the god of rain and moisture. In a
country such as Mexico, where the success or failure of the crops
depends entirely upon the plentiful nature or otherwise of the rainfall, he was, it will be
readily granted, a deity of high importance. It was believed that he made his home in the
mountains which surround the valley of Mexico, as these were the source of the local
rainfall, and his popularity is vouched for by the fact that sculptured representations of
him occur more often than those of any other of the Mexican deities. He is generally
represented in a semi-recumbent attitude, with the upper part of the body raised upon the
elbows, and the knees half drawn up, probably to represent the mountainous character of the
country whence comes the rain. He was espoused to Chalchihuitlicue (Emerald Lady), who bore
him a numerous progeny, the Tlalocs (Clouds). Many of the figures which represented him were
carved from the green stone called chalchiuitl (jadeite), to typify the colour of
water, and in some of these he was shown holding a a serpent of gold to typify the
lightning, for water-gods are often closely identified with the thunder, which hangs over
the hills and accompanies heavy rains. Tlaloc, like his prototype, the Kiche god Hurakan,
manifested himself in three forms, as the lightning-flash, the thunderbolt, and the thunder.
Although his image faced the east, where he was supposed to have originated, he was
worshipped as inhabiting the four cardinal points and every mountain-top. The colours of the
four points of the compass, yellow, green, red, and blue, whence came the rain-bearing
winds, entered into the composition of his costume, which was further crossed with streaks
of silver, typifying the mountain torrents. A vase containing every description of grain was
usually placed before his idol, an offering of the growth which it was hoped he would
fructify. He dwelt in a many-watered paradise called Tlalocan (The Country of Tlaloc), a
place of plenty and fruitfulness, where those who had been drowned or struck by lightning or
had died from dropsical diseases enjoyed eternal bliss. Those of the common people who did
not die such deaths went to the dark abode of Mictlan, the all-devouring and gloomy Lord of
Death.
In the native manuscripts Tlaloc is usually portrayed as having a dark
complexion, a large round eye, a row of tusks, and over the lips an angular blue stripe
curved downward and rolled up at the ends. The latter character is supposed to have been
evolved originally from the coils of two snakes, their mouths with long fangs in the upper
jaw meeting in the middle of the upper lip. The snake, besides being symbolised by lightning
in many American mythologies, is also symbolical of water, which is well typified in its
sinuous movements.
Many maidens and children were annually sacrificed to Tlaloc. If
the children wept it was regarded as a happy omen for a rainy season. The Etzalqualiztli
(When they eat Bean Food) was his chief festival, and was held on a day approximating to May
13, about which date the rainy season usually commenced. Another festival in his honour, the
Quauitleua, commenced the Mexican year on February 2. At the former festival the priests of
Tlaloc plunged into a lake, imitating the sounds and movements of frogs, which, as denizens
of water, were under the special protection of the god. Chalchihuitlicue, his wife, was
often symbolised by the small image of a frog.
Sacrifices to Tlaloc
Human
sacrifices also took place at certain points in the mountains where artificial ponds were
consecrated to Tlaloc. Cemeteries were situated in their vicinity, and offerings to the god
interred near the burial-place of the bodies of the victims slain in his service. His statue
was placed on the highest mountain of Tezcuco, and an old writer mentions that five or six
young children were annually offered to the god at various points, their hearts torn out,
and their remains interred. The mountains Popocatepetl and
Teocuinani were regarded as his special high places, and on the heights of the latter was
built his temple, in which stood his image carved in green stone.
The Nahua believed
that the constant production of food and rain induced a condition of senility in those
deities whose duty it was to provide them. This they attempted to stave off, fearing that if
they failed in so doing the gods would perish. They afforded them, accordingly, a period of
rest and recuperation, and once in eight years a festival called the Atamalqualiztli (Fast
of Porridge-balls and Water) was held, during which every one in the Nahua community
returned for the time being to the conditions of savage life. Dressed in costumes
representing all forms of animal and bird life, and mimicking the sounds made by the various
creatures they typified, the people danced round the teocalli of Tlaloc for the
purpose of diverting and entertaining him after his labours in producing the fertilising
rains of the past eight years. A lake was filled with water-snakes and frogs, and into this
the people plunged, catching the reptiles in their mouths and devouring them alive. The only
grain food which might be partaken during this season of rest was thin water-porridge of
maize.
Should one of the more prosperous peasants or yeomen deem a rainfall necessary
to the growth of his crops, or should he fear a drought, he sought out one of the
professional makers of dough or paste idols, whom he desired to mould one of Tlaloc. To this
image offerings of maize-porridge and pulque were made. Throughout the night the farmer and
his neighbours danced, shrieking and howling round the figure for the purpose of rousing
Tlaloc from his droughtbringing slumbers. Next day was spent in quaffing huge libations of
pulque, and in much-needed rest from the exertions of the previous night.
In Tlaloc
it is easy to trace resemblances to a mythological conception widely prevalent among the
indigenous American peoples. He is similar to such deities as the Hurakan of the Kiche of
Guatemala, the Pillan of the aborigines of Chile, and Con, the thunder-god of the Collao of
Peru. Only his thunderous powers are not so apparent as his rain-making abilities, and in
this he differs somewhat from the gods alluded to.
Quetzalcoatl
It is highly
probable that Quetzalcoatl was a deity of the pre-Nahua people of Mexico. He was regarded by
the Aztec race as a god of somewhat alien character, and had but a limited following in
Mexico, the city of Huitzilopochtli. In Cholula, however, and others of the
older towns his worship flourished exceedingly. He was regarded as "The Father of the
Toltecs," and, legend says, was the seventh and youngest son of the Toltec Abraham,
Iztacmixcohuatl. Quetzalcoatl (whose name means "Feathered Serpent " or
"Feathered Staff ") became, at a relatively early period, ruler of Tollan, and by
his enlightened sway and his encouragement of the liberal arts did much to further the
advancement of his people. His reign had lasted for a period sufficient to permit of his
placing the cultivated arts upon a satisfactory basis when the country was visited by the
cunning magicians Tezcatlipoca and Coyotlinaual, god of the Amantecas. Disentangled from its
terms of myth, this statement may be taken to imply that bands of invading Nahua first began
to appear within the Toltec territories. Tezcatlipoca, descending from the sky in the shape
of a spider by way of a fine web, proffered him a draught of pulque, which so
intoxicated him that the curse of lust descended upon him, and he forgot his chastity with
Quetzalpetlatl. The doom pronounced upon him was the hard one of banishment, and he was
compelled to forsake Anahuac. His exile wrought peculiar changes upon the face of the
country. He secreted his treasures of gold and silver, burned his palaces, transformed the
cacao-trees into mezquites, and banished all the birds from the neighbourhood of Tollan. The
magicians, nonplussed at these unexpected happenings, begged him to return, but he refused
on the ground that the sun required his presence. He proceeded to Tabasco, the fabled land
of Tlapallan, and, embarking upon a raft made of serpents, floated away to the east. A
slightly different version of this myth has already been given. Other accounts state that
the king cast himself upon a funeral pyre and was consumed, and that the ashes arising from
the conflagration flew upward and were changed into birds of brilliant plumage. His heart
also soared into the sky, and became the morning star. The Mexicans averred that
Quetzalcoatl died when the star became visible, and thus they bestowed upon him the title
"Lord of the Dawn." They further said that when he died he was invisible for four
days, and that for eight days he wandered in the underworld, after which time the morning
star appeared, when he achieved resurrection, and ascended his throne as a god.
It is
the contention of some authorities that the myth of Quetzalcoatl points to his status as god
of the sun. That luminary, they say, begins his diurnal journey in the east, whence
Quetzalcoatl returned as to his native home. It will be recalled that Montezuma and his
subjects imagined that Cortés was no other than Quetzalcoatl, returned to his
dominions, as an old prophecy declared he would do. But that he stood for the sun itself is
highly improbable, as will be shown. First of all, however, it will be well to pay some
attention to other theories concerning his origin.
Perhaps the most important of
these is that which regards Quetzalcoatl as a god of the air. He is connected, say some,
with the cardinal points, and wears the insignia of the cross, which symbolises them. Dr.
Seler says of him: "He has a protruding, trumpet-like mouth, for the wind-god blows. .
. . His figure suggests whirls and circles. Hence his temples were built in circular form. .
. . The head of the wind-god stands for the second of the twenty day signs, which was called
Ehecatl (Wind)." The same authority, however, in his essay on Mexican chronology, gives
to Quetzalcoatl a dual nature, " the dual nature which seems to belong to the wind-god
Quetzalcoatl) who now appears simply a wind-god, and again seems to show the true,
characters of the old god of fire and light." [Bulletin 28 of the U.S. Bureau of
Ethnology.]
Dr. Brinton perceived in Quetzalcoatl a similar dual nature. "He is
both lord of the eastern light and of the winds, he writes (Myths of the New World,
P. 214)- "Like all the dawn heroes, he too was represented as of white complexion,
clothed in long, white robes, and, as many of the Aztec gods, with a full and flowing beard.
. . . He had been overcome by Tezcatloca, the wind or spirit of night, who had descended
from heaven by a spider's web, and presented his rival with a draught supposed to confer
immortality, but in fact producing an intolerable longing for home. For the wind and the
light both depart when the gloaming draws near, or when the clouds spread their dark and
shadowy webs along the mountains, and pour the vivifying rain upon the fields."
The theory which derives Quetzalcoatl from a "culture-hero " who once actually
existed is scarcely reconcilable with probability. It is more than likely that, as in the
case of other mythical paladins, the legend of a mighty hero arose from the somewhat
weakened idea of a great deity. Some of the early Spanish missionaries professed to see in
Quetzalcoatl the Apostle St. Thomas, who had journeyed to America to effect its
conversion!
The Man of the Sun
A more probable explanation of the origin of
Quetzalcoatl and a more likely elucidation of his nature is that which would regard him as
the Man of the Sun, who has quitted his abode for a season for the purpose of inculcating in
mankind those arts which represent the first steps in civilisation, who fulfils his mission,
and who, at a late period, is displaced by the deities of an invading race. Quetzalcoatl was
represented as a traveller with staff in hand, and this is proof of his solar character, as
is the statement that under his rule the fruits of the earth flourished more abundantly than
at any subsequent period. The abundance of gold said to have been accumulated in his reign
assists the theory, the precious metal being invariably associated with the sun by most
barbarous peoples. In the native pinturas it is noticeable that the solar disc and semidisc
are almost invariably found in connection with the feathered serpent as the symbolical
attributes of Quetzalcoad. The Hopi Indians of Mexico at the present day symbolise the sun
as a serpent, tail in mouth, and the ancient Mexicans introduced the solar disc in
connection with small images of Quetzalcoatl, which they attached to the head-dress. In
still other examples Quetzalcoatl is pictured as if emerging or stepping from the luminary,
which is represented as his dwelling-place.
Several tribes tributary to the Aztecs
were in the habit of imploring Quetzalcoatl in prayer to return and free them from the
intolerable bondage of the conqueror. Notable among them were the Totonacs, who passionately
believed that the sun, their father, would send a god who would free them from the Aztec
yoke. On the coming of the Spaniards the European conquerors were hailed as the servants of
Quetzalcoatl, thus in the eyes of the natives fulfilling the tradition that he would
return.
Various Forms of Quetzalcoatl
Various conceptions of Quetzalcoad are
noticeable in the mythology of the territories which extended from the north of
Mexico to the marshes of
Nicaragua. In Guatemala the Kiches recognised him as Gucumatz, and in
Yucatan proper he was
worshipped as Kukulcan, both of which names are but literal translations of his Mexican
title of "Feathered Serpent" into Kiche and Mayan. That the three deities are one
and the same there can be no shadow of doubt. Several authorities have seen in Kukulcan a
"serpent-and-rain god." He can only be such in so far as he is a solar god also.
The cult of the feathered snake in Yucatan was unquestionably a branch of sun-worship. In
tropical latitudes the sun draws the clouds round him at noon. The rain falls from the
clouds accompanied by thunder and lightning-the symbols of the divine serpent. Therefore the
manifestations of the heavenly serpent were directly associated with the sun, and no
statement that Kukulcan is a mere serpent-and-water god satisfactorily elucidates his
characteristics.
Quetzalcoatl's Northern Origin
It is by no means improbable
that Quetzalcoatl was of northern origin, and that on his adoption by southern peoples and
tribes dwelling in tropical countries his characteristics were gradually and unconsciously
altered in order to meet the exigencies of his environment. The mythology of the Indians of
British Columbia, whence in all likelihood the Nahua originally came, is possessed of a
central figure bearing a strong resemblance to Quetzalcoad. Thus the Thlingit tribe worship
Yetl; the Quaquiutl Indians, Kanikilak; the Salish people of the coast, Kumsnöotl,
Quäaqua, or Släalekam. It is noticeable that these divine beings are worshipped as
the Man of the Sun, and totally apart from the luminary himself, as was Quetzalcoatl in
Mexico. The Quaquiutl believe that before his settlement among them for the purpose of
inculcating in the tribe the arts of life, the sun descended as a bird, and assumed a human
shape. Kanikilak is his son, who, as his emissary, spreads the arts of civilisation over the
world. So the Mexicans believed that Quetzalcoatl descended first of all in the form of a
bird, and was ensnared in the fowler's net of the Toltec hero Hueymatzin.
The titles
bestowed upon Quetzalcoatl by the Nahua show that in his solar significance he was god of
the vault of the heavens, as well as merely son of the sun. He was alluded to as Ehecatl
(The Air), Yolcuat (The Rattlesnake), Tohil (The Rumbler), Nanihehecatl (Lord of the Four
Winds), Tlauizcalpantecutli (Lord of the Light of the Dawn). The whole heavenly vault was
his, together with all its phenomena. This would seem to be in direct opposition to the
theory that Tezcatlipoca was the supreme god of the Mexicans. But it must be borne in mind
that Tezcatlipoca was the god of a later age, and of a fresh body of Nahua immigrants, and
as such inimical to Quetzalcoatl, who was probably in a similar state of opposition to
Itzamna, a Maya deity of Yucatan.
The Worship of Quetzalcoatl
The worship of
Quetzalcoatl was in some degree antipathetic to that of the other Mexican deities, and his
priests were a separate caste. Although human sacrifice was by no means so prevalent among
his devotees, it is a mistake to aver, as some authorities have done, that it did not exist
in connection with his worship. A more acceptable sacrifice to Quetzalcoatl appears to have
been the blood of the celebrant or worshipper, shed by himself. When we come to consider the
mythology of the Zapotecs, a people whose Customs and beliefs appear to have formed a
species of link between the Mexican and Mayan civilisations, we shall find that their
high-priests occasionally enacted the legend of Quetzalcoad in their own persons, and that
their worship, which appears to have been based upon that of Quetzalcoatl, had as one of its
most pronounced characteristics the shedding of blood. The celebrant or devotee drew blood
from the vessels lying under the tongue or behind the ear by drawing across those tender
parts a cord made from the thorn-covered fibres of the agave. The blood was smeared over the
mouths of the idols. In this practice we can perceive an act analogous to the sacrificial
substitution of the part for the whole, as obtaining in early Palestine and many other
countries-a certain sign that tribal or racial opinion has contracted a disgust for human
sacrifice, and has sought to evade. the anger of the gods by yielding to them a ortion of
the blood of each worshipper, instead of sacrificing the life of one for the general
weal.
The Maize-Gods of Mezico
A special group of deities called Centeotl
presided over the agriculture of Mexico, each of whom personified one or other of
the various aspects of the maize-plant. The chief goddess of maize, however, was
Chicomecohuatl (Seven-serpent), her name being an allusion to the fertilising power of
water, which element the Mexicans symbolised by the serpent. As Xilonen she typified the
xilote, or green ear of the maize. But it is probable that Chicomecohuatl was the
creation of an older race, and that the Nahua new-comers adopted or brought with them
another growth-spirit, the"Earth-mother," Teteoinnan (Mother of the Gods), or
Tocitzin (Our Grandmother). This goddess had a son, Centeotl, a male maize-spirit. Sometimes
the mother was also known as Centeotl, the generic name for the entire group, and this fact
has led to some confusion in the minds of Americanists. But this does not mean that
Chicomecohuatl was by any means neglected. Her spring festival, held on April 5, was known
as Hueytozoztli (The Great Watch), and was accompanied by a general fast, when the dwellings
of the Mexicans were decorated with bulrushes which had been sprinkled with blood drawn from
the extremities of the inmates. The statues of the little tepitoton (household gods)
were also decorated. The worshippers then proceeded to the maize-fields, where they pulled
the tender stalks of the growing maize, and, having decorated them with flowers, placed them
in the calpulli (the common house of the village). A mock combat then took place
before the altar of Chicomecohuatl. The girls of the village presented the goddess with
bundles of maize of the previous season's harvesting, later restoring them to the granaries
in order that they might be utilised for seed for the coming year. Chicomecohuatl was always
represented among the household deities of the Mexicans, and on the occasion of her festival
the family placed before the image a basket of provisions sur. mounted by a cooked frog,
bearing on its back a piece of cornstalk stuffed with pounded maize and vegetables. This
frog was symbolic of Chalchihuitlicue, wife of TIaloc, the rain-god, who assisted
Chicomecohuatl in providg a bountiful harvest. In order that the soil might rther benefit, a
frog, the symbol of water, was sacrificed, so that its vitality should recuperate that of
the weary and much-burdened earth.
The Sacrifice of the Dancer
A more
important festival of Chicomecohuatl, however, was the Xalaquia, which lasted from June 28
to July 14, commencing when the maize plant had attained its full growth. The women of the
pueblo (village) wore their hair unbound, and shook and tossed it so that by
sympathetic magic the maize might take the hint and grow correspondingly long. Chian pinolli
was consumed in immense quantities, and maize porridge was eaten. Hilarious dances were
nightly performed in the teopan (temple), the central figure in which was the
Xalaquia, a female captive or slave, with face painted red and yellow to represent the
colours of the maize-plant. She had previously under gone a long course of training in the
dancing-school, and now, all unaware of the horrible fate awaiting her, she danced and
pirouetted gaily among the rest. Throughout the duration of the stival she danced and on its
expiring night she was accompanied in the dance by the women of the community, who circled
round her, chanting the deeds of Chicomecohuatl. When daybreak appeared the company was
joined by the chiefs and headmen, who, along with the exhausted and half-fainting victim,
danced the solemn death-dance. The entire community then approached the teocalli
(pyramid of sacrifice), and, its summit reached, the victim was stripped to a nude
condition, the priest plunged a knife of flint into her bosom, and, tearing out the still
palpitating heart, offered it up to Chicomecohuatl. In this manner the venerable goddess,
weary with the labours of inducing growth in the maize-plant, was supposed to be revivified
and refreshed. Hence the name Xalaquia, which signifies "She who is clothed with the
Sand." Until the death of the victim it was not lawful to partake of the new
corn.
The general appearance of Chicomecohuatl was none too pleasing. Her image rests
in the National Museum in Mexico, and is girdled with snakes. On the underside the symbolic
frog is carved. The Americanists; of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries were
unequal to the task of elucidating the origin of the figure, which they designated
Teoyaominqui. The first to point out the error was Payne, in his History of the New World
called America, Vol. i. p. 424. The passage in which he announces his discovery is of
such real interest that it is worth transcribing fully.
An Antiquarian
Mare's-Nest
"All the great idols of Mexico were thought to have been destroyed until
this was disinterred among other relics in the course of making new drains in the Plaza
Mayor of Mexico in August 1790. The discovery produced an immense sensation. The idol was
dragged to the court of the University, and there set up; the Indians began to worship it
and deck it with flowers; the antiquaries, with about the same degree of intelligence, to
speculate about it. What most puzzled them was that the face and some other parts of the
goddess are found in duplicate at the back or the figure; hence they concluded it to
represent two gods in one, the principal of whom they further concluded to be a female, the
other, indicated by the back, a male. The standard author on Mexican antiquities at that
time was the Italian dilettante Boturini, of whom it may be said that he is better,
but not much better, than nothing at all. From page 27 of his work the antiquaries learned
that Huitzilopochtli was accompanied by the goddess Teoyaominqui, who was charged with
collecting the souls of those slain in war and sacrifice. This was enough. The figure was at
once named Teoyaominqui or Huitzilopochtli (The One plus the Other), and has been so called
ever since. The antiquaries next elevated this imaginary goddess to the rank of the
war-god's wife. 'A soldier,' says Bardolph, 'is better accommodated than with a wife': a
fortiori, so is a war-god. Besides, as Torquemada (vol, ii. p.47) says with perfect
truth, the Mexicans did not think so grossly of the divinity as to have married gods or
goddesses at all. The figure is undoubtedly a female. It has no vestige of any weapon about
it, nor has it any limbs. It differs in every particular from the war-god Huitzilopochtli,
every detail of which is perfectly well known. There never was any goddess called
Teoyaominqui. This may be plausibly inferred from the fact that such a goddess is unknown
not merely to Sahagun, Torquemada, Acosta, Tezozomoc, Duran, and Clavigero, but to all other
writers except Boturini. The blunder of the last-named writer is easily explained. Antonio
Leon y Gama, a Mexican astronomer, wrote an account of the discoveries Of
1790, in which,
evidently puzzled by the name of Teoyaominqui, he quotes a manuscript in Mexican, said to
have been written by an Indian of Tezcuco, who was born in 1528, to the effect that
Teoyaotlatohua and Teoyaominqui were spirits who presided over the fifteenth of the twenty
signs of the fortune-tellers' calendar, and that those born in this sign would be brave
warriors, but would soon die. (As the fifteenth sign was quauhtli, this is likely
enough.) When their hour had come the former spirit scented them out, the latter killed
them. The rubbish printed about Huitzilopochtli, Teoyaominqui, and Mictlantecutli in
connection with this statue would fill a respectable volume. The reason why the features
were duplicated is obvious. The figure was carried in the midst of a large crowd. Probably
it was considered to be an evil omen if the idol turned away its face from its worshippers;
this the duplicate obviated. So when the dance was performed round the figure (cf.
Janus). This duplication of the features, a characteristic of the very oldest gods, appears
to be indicated when the numeral ome (two) is prefixed to the title of the deity.
Thus the two ancestors and preservers of the race were called Ometecuhtli and Omecihuatl
(two-chief, two-woman), ancient Toltec gods, who at the conquest become less prominent in
the theology of Mexico, and who are best represented in that of the Mexican colony of
Nicaragua."
The Offering to Centeotl
During her last hours the victim
sacrificed at the Xalaquia wore a ritual dress made from the fibres of the aloe, and with
this garment the maize-god Centeotl was clothed. Robed in this he temporarily represented
the earth-goddess, so that he might receive her sacrifice. The blood of victims was offered
up to him in a vessel decorated with that brilliant and artistic featherwork which excited
such admiration in the breasts of the connoisseurs and cesthetes of the Europe of the
sixteenth century. Upon partaking of this blood-offering the deity emitted a groan so
intense and terrifying that it has been left on record that such Spaniards as were present
became panic-stricken. This ceremony was followed by another, the nitiçapoloa
(tasting of the soil), which consisted in raising a little earth on one finger to the mouth
and eating it.
As has been said, Centeotl the son has been confounded with Centeotl
the mother, who is in reality the earth-mother Teteoinnan. Each of these deities bad a
teopan (temple) of his or her own, but they were closely allied as parent and child. But of
the two, Centeotl the son was the more important. On the death of the sacrificed victim her
skin was conveyed to the temple of Centeotl the son, and worn there in the succeeding ritual
by the officiating priests. This gruesome dress is frequently depicted in the Aztec
pinturas, where the skin of the hands, and in some instances the feet, of the victims
can be seen dangling from the wrists and ankles of the priest.
Importance of the
Food-Gods
To the Mexicans the deities of most importance to the community as a whole
were undoubtedly the food-gods. In their emergence from the hunting to the agricultural
state of life, when they began to exist almost solely upon the fruits of the earth, the
Mexicans were quick to recognise that the old deities of the chase, such as Mixcoatl, could
not now avail them or succour them in the same manner as the guardians of the crops and
fertilisers of the soil. Gradually we see these gods, then, advance in power and influence
until at the time of the Spanish invasion we find them paramount. Even the terrible war-god
himself had an agricultural significance, as we have pointed out. A distinct bargain with
the food-gods can be clearly traced, and is none the less obvious because it was never
written or codified. The covenant was as binding to the native mind as any made betwixt god
and man in ancient Palestine, and included mutual assistance as well as provision for mere
alimentary supply. In no mythology is the understanding between god and man so clearly
defined as in the Nahuan, and in none is its operation better exemplified.
Xipe
Xipe (The Flayed) was widely worshipped through,out Mexico, and is
usually depicted in the pinturas as being attired in a flayed human skin. At his
special festival, the "Man-flaying," the skins were removed from the victims and
worn by the devotees of the god for the succeeding twenty days. He is usually represented as
of a red colour. In the later days of the Aztec monarchy the kings and leaders of
Mexico
assumed the dress or classical garments of Xipe. This dress consisted of a crown made of
feathers of the roseate spoonbill, the gilt timbrel, the jacket of spoonbill feathers, and
an apron of green feathers lapping over one another in a tile-like pattern. In the Cozcatzin
Codex we see a picture of King Axayacatl dressed as Xipe in a feather skirt, and having a
tiger-skin scabbard to his sword. The hands of a flayed human skin also dangle over the
monarch's wrists, and the feet fall over his feet like gaiters.
Xipe's shield is a
round target covered with the rose-coloured feathers of the spoonbill, with concentric
circles of a darker hue on the surface. There are examples of it divided into an upper and
lower part, the former showing an emerald on a blue field, and the latter a tiger-skin
design. Xipe was imagined as possessing three forms, the first that of the roseate spoon.
bill, the second that of the blue cotinga, and the last that of a tiger, the three shapes
perhaps corresponding to the regions of heaven, earth, and hell, or to the three elements,
fire, earth, and water. The deities of many North American Indian tribes show similar
variations in form and colour, which are supposed to follow as the divinity changes his
dwelling to north, south, east, or west. But Xipe is seldom depicted in the pinturas in any
other form but that of the red od) the form in which the Mexicans adopted him from the Yopi
tribe of the Pacific slope. He is the god of human sacrifice par excellence, and may
be regarded as a Yopi equivalent of Tezcatlipoca.
Nanaliuatl, or Nanauatzin
Nanahuatl (Poor Leper) presided over skin diseases, such as leprosy. It was thought that
persons afflicted with these complaints were set apart by the moon for his service. In the
Nahua tongue the words for "leprous" and "eczematous " also mean
"divine." The myth of Nanahuatl tells how before the sun was created humanity
dwelt in sable and horrid gloom. Only a human sacrifice could hasten the appearance of the
luminary. Metztli (The Moon) led forth Nanahuatl as a sacrifice, and he was cast upon a
funeral pyre, in the flames of which he was consumed. Metztli also cast herself upon the
mass of flame, and with her death the sun rose above the horizon. There can be no doubt that
the myth refers to the consuming of the starry or spotted night, and incidentally to the
nightly death of the moon at the flaming hour of dawn.
Xolotl
Xolotl is of
southern, possibly Zapotec, origin. He represents either fire rushing down from the heavens
or light flaming upward. It is noticeable that in the ointuras the picture of the setting
sun being devoured by the earth is nearly always placed opposite his image. He is probably
identical with Nanahuatl, and appears as the representative of human sacrifice. He has also
affinities with Xipe. On the whole Xolotl may be best described as a sun-god of the more
southerly tribes. His head (quaxolvto was one of the most famous devices for warriors' use,
as sacrifice among the Nahua was, as we have seen, closely associated with warfare.
Xolotl was a mythical figure quite foreign to the peoples of Anahuac or Mexico, who
regarded him as something strange and monstrous. He is alluded to as the "God of
Monstrosities, and, thinks Dr. Seler, the word "monstrosity" may suitably
translate his name. He is depicted with empty eye-sockets, which circumstance is explained
by the myth that when the gods determined to sacrifice themselves in order to give life and
strength to the newly created sun, Xolotl withdrew, and wept so much that his eyes fell out
of their sockets. This was the Mexican explanation of a Zapotec attribute. Xolotl was
originally the "Lightning Beast" of the Maya or some other southern folk, and was
represented by them as a dog, since that animal appeared to them to be the creature which he
most resembled. But he was by no means a "natural" dog, hence their conception of
him as unnatural. Dr. Seler is inclined to identify him with the tapir, and indeed Sahagun
speaks of a strange animal-being, tlaca-xolotl, which has "a large snout, large
teeth, hoofs like an ox, a thick hide, and reddish hair"-not a bad description of the
tapir of Central America. Of course to the Mexicans the god Xolotl was no longer an animal,
although he had evolved from one, and was imagined by them to have the form shown in the
accompanying illustration.
The Fire-God
This deity was known in Mexico under
various names, notably Tata (Our Father), Huehueteotl (Oldest of Gods), and Xiuhtecutli
(Lord of the Year). He was represented as of the colour of fire, with a black face, a
headdress of green feathers, and bearing on his back a yellow serpent, to typify the
serpentine nature of fire. He also bore a mirror of gold to show his connection with the
sun, from which all heat emanates. On rising in the morning all Mexican families made
Xiuhtecutli an offering of a piece of bread and a drink. He was thus not only, like Vulcan,
the god of thunderbolts and conflagrations, but also the milder deity of the domestic
hearth. Once a year the fire in every Mexican house was extinguished, and rekindled by
friction before the idol of Xiuhtecutli. When a Mexican baby was born it passed through a
baptism of fire on the fourth day, up to which time a fire, lighted at the time of its
birth, was kept burning in order to nourish its existence.
Mictlan
Mictlantecutli (Lord of Hades) was God of the Dead and of the grim and shadowy realm to
which the souls of men repair after their mortal sojourn. He is represented in the
pinturas as a grisly monster with capacious mouth, into which fall the spirits of the
dead. His terrible abode was sometimes alluded to as Tlalxicco (Navel of the Earth), but the
Mexicans in general seem to have thought that it was situated in the far north, which they
regarded as a place of famine, desolation, and death. Here those who by the circumstances of
their demise were unfitted to enter the paradise of Tlaloc-namely, those who had not been
drowned or had not died a warrior's death, or, in the case of women, had not died in
childbed-passed a dreary and meaningless existence. Mictlan was surrounded by a species of
demons called tzitzimimes, and had a spouse, Mictecaciuatl. When we come to discuss
the analogous deity of the Maya we shall see that in all probability Mictlan was represented
by the bat, the animal typical of the underworld. In a preceding paragraph dealing with the
funerary customs we have described thejourney of the soul to the abode of Mictlan, and the
ordeals through which the spirit of the defunct had to pass ere entering his realm (see p.
37).
Worship of the Planet Venus
The Mexicans designated the planet Venus
Citlalpol (The Great Star) and Tlauizcalpantecutli (Lord of the Dawn). It seems to have been
the only star worshipped by them, and was regarded with considerable veneration. Upon its
rising they stopped up the chimneys of their houses, so that no harm of any kind might enter
with its light. A column called Ilhuicatlan, meaning " In the Sky," stood in the
court of the great temple of Mexico, and upon this a symbol of the planet was painted. On
its reappearance during its usual circuit, captives were taken before this repre. sentation
and sacrificed to it. It will be remembered that the myth of Quetzalcoatl states that the
heart of that deity flew upward from the funeral pyre on which he was consumed and became
the planet Venus. It is not easy to say whether or not this myth is anterior to the adoption
of the worship of the planet by the Nahua, for it may be a tale of pre- or post-Nahuan
growth. In the tonalamatl Tlauizcalpantecutli is representcd as lord of the ninth
division of thirteen days, beginning with Ce Coatl (the sign of "One Serpent ").
In several of the pinturas he is represented as having a white body with long red
stripes, while round his eves is a deep black painting like a domino mask, bordered with
small white circles. His lips are a bright vermilion. The red stripes are probably
introduced to accentuate the whiteness of his body, which is under stood to symbolise the
peculiar half-light which emanates from the planet. The black paint on the face, surrounding
the eye, typifies the dark sky of night. In Mexican and Central American symbolism the eye
often represents light, and here, surrounded by blackness as it is, it is perhaps almost
hieroglyphic. As the star of evening, Tlauizcalpantecutli is some times shown with the face
of a skull, to signify his descent into the underworld, whither he follows the sun. That the
Mexicans and Maya carefully and accurately observed his periods of revolution is witnessed
by the pinturas.
Sun-Worship
The sun was regarded by the Nahua, and
indeed by all the Mexican and Central American peoples, as the supreme deity, or rather the
principal source of subsistence and life. He was always alluded to as the teotl,
the god, and his worship formed as it were a background to that of all the other
gods. His Mexican name, lpalnemohuani (He by whom Men Live) shows that the Mexicans regarded
him as the rimal source of being, and the heart, the symbol of life, was looked upon as his
special sacrifice. Those who rose at sunrise to prepare food for the day held up to him on
his appearance the hearts of animals they had slain for cooking, and even the hearts of the
victims to Tezcatlipoca and Huitzilopochtli were first held up to the sun, as if he had a
primary right to the sacrifice, before being cast into the bowl of copal which lay at the
feet of the idol. It was supposed that the luminary rejoiced in offerings of blood, and that
it constituted the only food which would render him sufficiently vigorous to undertake his
daily journey through the heavens. He is often depicted in the pinturas as licking up
the gore of the sacrificial victims with his long tongue-like rays. The sun must fare well
if he was to continue to give life) light, and heat to mankind.
The Mexicans, as we
have already seen, believed that the luminary they knew had been preceded by others, each of
which had been quenched by some awful cataclysm of nature. Eternity had, in fact, been
broken up into epochs, marked by the destruction of successive suns. In the period preceding
that in whi they lived, a mighty deluge had deprived the sun of life, and some such
catastrophe was apprehended at the end of every "sheaf" of fifty-two years. The
old suns were dead, and the current sun was no more immortal than they. At the endof oneof
the "sheaves" he too would succumb.
Sustaining the Sun
It was
therefore necessary to sustain the sun by the daily food of human sacrifice, for by a tithe
of human life alone would he be satisfied. Naturally a people holding such a belief would
look elsewhere than within their own borders for the material wherewith to placate their
deity. This could be most suitably found among the inhabitants of a neighbouring state. It
thus became the business of the warrior class in the Aztec state to furnish forth the altars
of the gods with human victims. The most suitable district of supply was the pueblo of
Tlaxcallan, or Tlascala, the people of which were of cognate origin to the Aztecs. The
communities had, although related, been separated for so many generations that they had
begun to regard each other as traditional enemies, and on a given day in the year their
forces met at an appointed spot for the purpose of engaging in a strife which should furnish
one side or the other with a sufficiency of victims for the purpose of sacrifice. The
warrior who captured the largest number of opponents alive was regarded as the champion of
the day, and was awarded the chief honours of the combat. The sun was therefore the god of
warriors, as he would give them victory in battle in order that they might supply him with
food. The rites of this military worship of the luminary were held in the Quauhquauhtinchan
(House of the Eagles), an armoury set apart for the regiment of that name. On March 17 and
December 1 and 2, at the ceremonies known as Nauhollin (The Four Motions-alluding to the
quivering appearance of the sun's rays), the warriors gathered in this hall for the purpose
of despatching a messenger to their lord the sun. High up on the wall of the principal court
was a great symbolic representation of the orb, painted upon a bright coloured cotton
hanging. Before this copal and other Irragrant gums and spices were burned four times a day.
The victim, a war-captive, was placed at the foot of a long staircase leading up to the
Quauhxicalli (Cup of the Eagles), the name of the stone on which he was to be sacrificed. He
was clothed in red striped with white and wore white plumes in his hair-colours symbolical
of the sun-while he bore a staff decorated with feathers and a shield covered with tufts of
cotton. He also carried a bundle of eagle's feathers and some paint on his shoulders, to
enable the sun, to whom he was the emissary, to paint his face. He was then addressed by the
officiating priest in the following terms: "Sir, we pray you go to our god the sun, and
greet him on our behalf; tell him that his sons and warriors and chiefs and those who remain
here beg of him to remember them and to favour them from that place where he is, and to
receive this small offering which we send him. Give him this staff to help him on his
journey, and this shield for his defence, and all the rest that you have in this
bundle." The victim, having undertaken to carry the message to the sun-god, was then
despatched upon his long journey.
A Quauhxicalli is preserved in the National Museum
of Mexico. It consists of a basaltic mass, circular in form, on which are shown in sculpture
a series of groups representing Mexican warriors receiving the submission of war-captives.
The prisoner tenders a flower to his captor, symbolical of the life he is about to offer up,
for lives were the "flowers" offered to the gods, and the campaign in which these
"blossoms" were captured was called Xochiyayotl (The War of Flowers). The warriors
who receive the submission of the captives are represented in the act of tearing the plumes
from their heads. These bas-reliefs occupy the sides of the stone. The face of it is covered
by a great solar disc having eight rays, and the surface is hollowed out in the middle to
form a receptacle for blood-the "cup" alluded to in the name of the stone. The
Quauhxicalli must not be confounded with the temalacatl (spindle stone), to which the
alien warrior who received a chance of life was secured. The gladiatorial combat gave the
war-captive an opportunity to escape through superior address in arms. The temalacatl
was somewhat higher than a man, and was provided with a platform at the top, in the middle
of which was placed a great stone with a hole in it through which a rope was passed. To this
the war-captive was secured, and if he could vanquish seven of his captors he was released.
If he failed to do so he was at once sacrificed.
A Mexican Valhalla
The
Mexican warriors believed that they continued in the service of the sun after death, and,
like the Scandinavian heroes in Valhalla, that they were admitted to the dwelling of the
god, where they shared all the delights of his diurnal round. The Mexican warrior dreaded to
die in his bed, and craved an end on the field of battle. This explains the desperate nature
of their resistance to the Spaniards under Cortés, whose officers stated that the
Mexicans seemed to desire to die fighting. After death they believed that they would partake
of the cannibal feasts offered up to the sun and imbibe the juice of flowers.
The
Feast of Totec
The chief of the festivals to the sun was that held in spring at the
vernal equinox, before the representation of a deity known as Totec (Our Great Chief).
Although Totec was a solar deity he had been adopted from the people of an alien state, the
Zapotecs of Zalisco, and is therefore scarcely to be regarded as the principal sun-god. His
festival was celebrated by the symbolical slaughter of all the other gods for the purpose of
providing sustenance to the sun, each of the gods being figuratively slain in the person of
a victim. Totec was attired in the same manner as the warrior despatched twice a year to
assure the sun of the loyalty of the Mexicans. The festival appears to have been primarily a
seasonal one, as bunches of dried maize were offered to Totec. But its larger meaning is
obvious. It was, indeed, a commemoration of the creation of the sun. This is proved by the
description of the image of Totec, which was robed and equipped as the solar traveller, by
the solar disc and tables of the sun's progress carved on the altar employed in the
ceremony, and by the robes of the victims, who were dressed to represent dwellers in the
sun-god's halls. Perhaps Totec, although of alien origin, was the only deity possessed by
the Mexicans who directly represented the sun. As a borrowed god he would have but a minor
position in the Mexican pantheon, but again as the only sun-god whom it was necessary to
bring into prominence during a strictly solar festival he would be for the time, of course,
a very important deity indeed.
Tepeyollotl
Tepeyollotl means Heart of the
Mountain, and evidently alludes to a deity whom the Nahua connected with seismic
disturbances and earthquakes. By the interpreter of the Codex Telleriano-Remensis he is
called Tepeolotlec, an obvious distortion of his real name. The interpreter of the codex
states that his name "refers to the condition of the earth after the flood. The
sacrifices of these thirteen days were not good, and the literal translation of their name
is 'dirt sacrifices.' They caused palsy and bad humours. . . . This Tepeolotlec was lord of
these thirteen days. In them were celebrated the feast to the Jaguar, and the last four
preceding days were days of fasting. . . . Tepeolotlec means the 'Lord of Beasts.' The four
feast days were in honour of the Suchiquezal, who was the man that remained behind on the
earth upon which we now live. This Tepeolotlec was the same as the echo of the voice when it
re-echoes in a valley from one mountain to another. This name 'jaguar' is given to the earth
because the jaguar is the boldest animal, and the echo which the voice awakens in the
mountains is a survival of the flood, it is said."
From this we can see that
Tepeyollotl is a deity of the earth pure and simple, a god of desert places. It is certain
that he was not a Mexican god, or at least was not of Nahua origin, as he is mentioned by
none of those writers who deal with Nahua traditions, and we must look for him among the
Mixtecs and Zapotecs.
Macuilxochitl, or Xochipilli
This deity, whose names
mean Five-Flower and Source of Flowers, was regarded as the patron of luck in gaming. He may
have been adopted by the Nahua from the Zapotecs, but the converse may be equally true. The
Zapotecs represented him with a design resembling a butterfly about the mouth, and a
manycoloured face which looks out of the open jaws of a bird with a tall and erect crest.
The worship of this god appears to have been very widespread. Sahagun says of him that a
fête was held in his honour, which was preceded by a rigorous fast. The people
covered themselves with ornaments and jewels symbolic of the deity, as if they desired to
represent him, and dancing and singing roceeded gaily to the sound of the drum. Offerings of
the blood of various animals followed, and specially prepared cakes were submitted to the
god. This simple fare, however, was later followed by human sacrifices, rendered by the
notables, who brought certain of their slaves for immolation. This completed the
festival.
Father and Mother Gods
The Nahua believed that Ometecutli and
Omeciuatl were the father and mother of the human species. The names signify Lords of
Duality or Lords of the Two Sexes. They were also called Tonacatecutli and Tonacaciuatl
(Lord and Lady of Our Flesh, or of Subsistence). They were in fact regarded as the sexual
essence of the creative deity, or perhaps more correctly of deity in general. They occupied
the first place in the Nahua calendar, to signify that they had existed from the beginning,
and they are usually represented as being clothed in rich attire. Ometecutli (a literal
translation of his name is Two-Lord) is sometimes identified with the sky and the fire-god,
the female deity representing the earth or water-conceptions similar to those respecting
Kronos and Gæa. We refer again to these supreme divinities in the following chapter
(see p. 118).
The Pulque-Gods
When a man was intoxicated with the native
Mexican drink of pulque, a liquor made from the juice of the Agave Americana,
he was believed to be under the influence of a god or spirit. The commonest form under which
the drink-god was worshipped was the rabbit, that animal being considered to be utterly
devoid of sense. This particular divinity was known as Ometochtli. The scale of debauchery
which it was desired to reach was indicated by the number of rabbits worshipped, the highest
number, four hundred, representing the most extreme degree of intoxication. The chief
pulque-gods apart from these were Patecatl and Tequechmecauiani. If the drunkard
desired to escape the perils of accidental hanging during intoxication, it was necessary to
sacrifice to the latter, but if death by drowning was apprehended Teatlahuiani, the deity
who harried drunkards to a watery grave, was placated. If the debauchee wished his
punishment not to exceed a headache, Quatlapanqui (The Head-splitter) was sacrificed to, or
else Papaztac (The Nerveless). Each trade or profession had its own Ometochtli, but for the
aristocracy there was only one of these gods, Cohuatzincatl, a name signifying "He who
has Grandparents." Several of these drink-gods had names which connected them with
various localities; for example, Tepoxtecatl was the pulque-god of Tepoztlan. The
calendar day Ometochtli, which means "Two-Rabbit," because of the symbol which
accompanied it, was under the special protection of these gods, and the Mexicans believed
that any one born on that day was almost inevitably doomed to become a drunkard. All the
pulque-gods were closely associated with the soil, and with the earth-goddess. They wore the
golden Huaxtec nose-ornament, the yaca-metztli, of crescent shape, which characterised the
latter, and indeed this ornament was inscribed upon all articles sacred to the pulque-gods.
Their faces were painted red and black, as were objects consecrated to them, their blankets
and shields. After the Indians had harvested their maize they drank to intoxication, and
invoked one or other of these gods. On the whole it is safe to infer that they were
originally deities of local husbandry who imparted virtue to the soil as pulque imparted
strength and courage to the warrior. The accompanying sketch of the god Tepoxtecatl (see p.
117) well illustrates the distinguishing characteristics of the pulque-god class. Here we
can observe the face painted in two colours, the crescent-shaped nose-ornament, the
bicoloured shield, the long necklace made from the malinalli herb, and the
ear-pendants.
It is of course clear that the drink-gods were of the same class as the
food-gods-patrons of the fruitful soil-but it is strange that they should be male whilst the
food-gods are mostly female.
The Goddesses of Mexico: Metztli
Metztli, or
Yohualticitl (The Lady of Night), was the Mexican goddess of the moon. She had in reality
two phases, one that of a beneficent protectress of harvests and promoter of growth in
general, and the other that of a bringer of dampness, cold, and miasmic airs ghosts,
mysterious shapes of the dim half-light of night and its oppressive silence.
To a
people in the agricultural stage of civilisation the moon appears as the great recorder of
harvests. But she has also supremacy over water, which is always connected by primitive
peoples with the moon. Citatli (Moon) and Atl (Water) are constantly confounded in Nahua
myth, and in many ways their characteristics were blended. It was Metztli who led forth
Nanahuatl the Leprous to the pyre whereon he perished-a reference to the dawn, in which the
starry sky of night is consumed in the fires of the rising sun.
Tlazolteotl
Tlazolteotl (God of Ordure), or Tlaelquani (Filth-eater), was called by the Mexicans the
earth-goddess because she was the eradicator of sins, to whose priests the people went to
make confession so that they might be absolved from their misdeeds. Sin was symbolised by
the Mexicans as excrement. Confession covered only the sins of immorality. But if
Tlazolteotl was the goddess of confession, she was also the patroness of desire and luxury.
It was, however, as a deity whose chief office was the eradication of human sin that she was
pre-eminent. The process by which this was supposed to be effected is quaintly described by
Sahagun in the twelfth chapter of his first book. The penitent addressed the confessor as
follows: "Sir, I desire to approach that most powerful god, the protector of all, that
is to say, Tezcatlipoca. I desire to tell him my sins in secret." The confessor
replied: "Be happy, my son: that which thou wishest to do will be to thy good and
advantage." The confessor then opened the divinatory book known as the Tonalamatl (that
is, the Book of the Calendar) and acquainted the applicant with the day which appeared the
most suitable for his confession. The day having arrived, the penitent provided himself with
a mat, copal gum to burn as incense, and wood whereon to burn it. If he was a person high in
office the priest repaired to his house, but in the case of lesser people the confession
took place in the dwelling of the priest. Having lighted the fire and burned the incense,
the penitent addressed the fire in the following terms: "Thou, lord, who art the father
and mother of the gods, and the most ancient of them all, thy servant, thy slave bows before
thee. Weeping, he approaches thee in great distress. He comes plunged in grief, because he
has been buried in sin, having backslidden, and partaken of those vices and evil delights
which merit death. O master most compassionate, who art the upholder and defence of all,
receive the penitence and anguish of thy slave and vassal."
This prayer having
concluded, the confessor then turned to the penitent and thus addressed him: "My son,
thou art come into the presence of that god who is the protector and upholder of all; thou
art come to him to confess thy evil vices and thy hidden uncleannesses; thou art come to him
to unbosom the secrets of thy heart. Take care that thou omit nothing from the catalogue of
thy sins in the presence of our lord who is called Tczcatlipoca. It is certain that thou art
before him who is invisible and impalpable, thou who art not worthy to be seen before him,
or to speak with him. . . ."
The allusions to Tczcatlipoca are, of course, to
him in the shape of Tlazolteotl. Having listened to a sermon by the confessor, the penitent
then confessed his misdeeds, after which the confessor said: "My son, thou hast before
our lord god confessed in his presence thy evil actions. I wish to say in his name that thou
hast an obligation to make. At the time when the goddesses called Ciuapipiltin descend to
earth during the celebration of the feast of the goddesses of carnal things, whom they name
Ixcuinamc, thou shalt fast during four days, punishing thy stomach and thy mouth. When the
day of the feast of the lxcuinamc arrives thou shalt scarify thy tongue with the small
thorns of the osier [called teocaleacatl or tlazotl], and if that is not
sufficient thou shalt do likewise to thine ears, the whole for penitence, for the remission
of thy sin, and as a meritorious act. Thou wilt apply to thy tongue the middle of a spine of
magucy, and thou wilt scarify thy shoulders. That done, thy sins will be
pardoned."
If the sins of the penitent were not very grave the priest would
enjoin upon him a fast of more or less prolonged nature. Only old men confessed crimes in
veneribus, as the punishment for such was death, and younger men had no desire to risk
the penalty involved, although the priests were enjoined to strict secrecy.
Father
Burgoa describes very fully a ceremony of this kind which came under his notice in
1652 in the Zapotec
village of San Francisco de Cajonos. He encountered on a tour of
inspection an old native cacique, or chief, of great refinement of manners and of a
stately presence, who dressed in costly garments after the Spanish fashion, and who was
regarded by the Indians with much veneration. This man came to the priest for the purpose of
reporting upon the progress in things spiritual and temporal in his village. Burgoa
recognised his urbanity and wonderful command of the Spanish language, but perceived by
certain signs that he had been taught to look for by long experience that the man was a
pagan. He communicated his suspicions to the vicar of the village, but met with such
assurances of the cacique's soundness of faith that he believed himself to be in
error for once. Shortly afterwards, however, a wandering Spaniard perceived the chief in a
retired place in the mountains performing idolatrous ceremonies, and aroused the monks, two
of whom accompanied him to the spot where the cacique had been seen indulging in his
heathenish practices. They found on the altar "feathers of many colours, sprinkled with
blood which the Indians had drawn from the veins under their tongues and behind their ears,
incense spoons and remains of copal, and in the middle a horrible stone figure, which was
the god to whom they had offered this sacrifice in expiation of their sins, while they made
their confessions to the blasphemous priests, and cast off their sins in the following
manner: they had woven a kind of dish out of a strong herb, specially gathered for this
purpose, and casting this before the priest, said to him that they came to beg mercy of
their god, and pardon for their sins that they had committed during that year, and that they
brought them all carefully enumerated. They then drew out of a cloth pairs of thin threads
made of dry maize husks, that they had tied two by two in the middle with a knot, by which
they represented their sins. They laid these threads on the dishes of grass, and over them
pierced their veins, and let the blood trickle upon them, and the priest took these
offerings to the idol, and in a long speech he begged the god to forgive these, his sons,
their sins which were brought to him, aiid to permit them to be joyful and hold feasts to
him as their god and lord. Then the priest came back to those who had confessed, delivered a
long discourse on the ceremonies they had still to perform, and told them that the god had
pardoned them and that they might be glad again and sin anew."
Chalchihuitlicue
This goddess was the wife of Tlaloc, the god of rain and
moisture. The name means Lady of the Emerald Robe, in allusion to the colour of the element
over which the deity partly presided. She was specially worshipped by the water-carriers of
Mexico,
and all those whose avocation brought them into contact with water. Her costume was peculiar
and interesting. Round her neck she wore a wonderful collar of precious stones, from which
hung a gold pendant. She was crowned with a coronet of blue paper, decorated with green
feathers. Her eyebrows were of turquoise, set in as mosaic, and her garment was a nebulous
blue-green in hue, recalling the tint of seawater in the tropics. The resemblance was
heightened by a border of sea-flowers or water-plants, one of which she also carried in her
left hand, whilst in her right she bore a vase surmounted by a cross, emblematic of the four
points of the compass whence comes the rain.
Mixcoatl
Mixcoatl was the Aztec
god of the chase, and was probably a deity of the Otomi aborigines of Mexico. The name means
Cloud Serpent, and this originated the idea that Mixcoatl was a representation of the
tropical whirlwind. This is scarcely correct, however, as the hunter-god is identified with
the tempest and thunder-cloud, and the lightning is supposed to represent his arrows. Like
many other gods of the chase, he is figured as having the characteristics of a deer or
rabbit. He is usually depicted as carrying a sheaf of arrows, to typify thunderbolts. It may
be that Mixcoatl was an air and thunder deity of the Otomi, older in origin than either
Quetzalcoatl or Tezcatlipoca, and that his inclusion in the Nahua pantheon becoming
necessary in order to quieten Nahua susceptibilities, he received the status of god of the
chase. But, on the other hand, the Mexicans, unlike the Peruvians, who adopted many foreign
gods for political purposes, had little regard for the feelings of other races, and only
accepted an alien deity into the native circle for some good reason, most probably because
they noted the omission of the figure in their own divine system. Or, again, dread of a
certain foreign god might force them to adopt him as their own in the hope of placating him.
Their worship of Quetzalcoatl is perhaps an instance of this.
Camaxtli
This
deity was the war-god of the Tlascalans, who were constantly in opposition to the Aztecs of
Mexico. He was to the warriors of Tlascala practically what Huitzilopochtli was to those of
Mexico. He was closely identified with Mixcoatl, and with the god of the morning star, whose
colours are depicted on his face and body. But in all probability Camaxtli was a god of the
chase, who in later times was adopted as a god of war because of his possession of the
lightning dart, the symbol of divine warlike prowess. In the mythologies of North America we
find similar hunter-gods, who sometimes evolve into gods of war for a like reason, and again
gods of the chase who have all the appearance and attributes of the creatures hunted.
Ixtlilton
Ixtlilton (The Little Black One) was the Mexican god of medicine and
healing, and therefore was often alluded to as the brother of Macuilxochitl, the god of
well-being or good luck. From the account of the general appearance of his temple-in edifice
of painted boards-it would seem to have evolved from the primitive tent or lodge of the
medicine-man, or shaman. It contained several water-jars called tlilatl (black
water), the contents of which were administered to children in bad health. The parents of
children who benefited from the treatment bestowed a feast on the deity, whose idol was
carried to the residence of the grateful father, where ceremonial dances and oblations were
made before it. It was then thought that Ixtlilton descended to the courtyard to open fresh
jars of pulque liquor provided for the feasters, and the entertainment concluded by
an examination by the Aztec Æsculapius of such of the pulque jars dedicated to
his service as stood in the courtyard for everyday use. Should these be found in an unclean
condition, it was understood that the master of the house was a man of evil life, and he was
presented by the priest with a mask to hide his face from his scoffing friends.
Omacatl
Omacatl was the Mexican god of festivity and joy. The name signifies Two
Reeds. He was worshipped chiefly by bon-vivants and the rich, who celebrated him in splendid
feasts and orgies. The idol of the deity was invariably placed in the chamber where these
functions were to take place, and the Aztecs were known to regard it as a heinous offence if
anything derogatory to the god were performed during the convivial ceremony, or if any
omission were made from the prescribed form which these gatherings usually took. It was
thought that if the host had been in any way remiss Omacatl would appear to the startled
guests, and in tones of great severity upbraid him who had given the feast, intimating that
he would regard him no longer as a worshipper and would henceforth abandon him. A terrible
malady, the symptoms of which were akin to those of falling-sickness, would shortly
afterwards seize the guests; but as such symptoms are not unlike those connected with acute
indigestion and other gastric troubles, it is probable that the gourmets who paid homage to
the god of good cheer may have been suffering from a too strenuous instead of a lukewarm
worship of him. But the idea of communion which underlay so many of the Mexican rites
undoubtedly entered into the worship of Omacatl, for prior to a banquet in his honour those
who took part in it formed a great bone out of maize paste, pretending that it was one of
the bones of the deity whose merry rites they were about to engage in. This they devoured,
washing it down with great draughts of pulque. The idol of Omacatl was provided with
a recess in the region of the stomach, and into this provisions were stuffed. He was
represented as a squatting figure, painted black and white, crowned with a paper coronet,
and hung with coloured paper. A flower-fringed cloak and sceptre were the other symbols of
royalty worn by this Mexican Dionysus.
Opochtli
Opochtli (The Left-handed)
was the god sacred to fishers and bird-catchers. At one period of Aztec history he must have
been a deity of considerable consequence, since for generations the Aztecs were
marsh-dwellers and depended for their daily food on the fish netted in the lakes and the
birds snared in the reeds. They credited the god with the invention of the harpoon or
trident for spearing fish and the fishing-rod and bird-net. The fishermen and bird-catchers
of Mexico held on occasion a special feast in honour of Opochtli, at which a certain liquor
called octli was consumed. A procession was afterwards formed, in which marched old
people who had dedicated themselves to the worship of the god, probably because they could
obtain no other means of subsistence than that afforded by the vocation of which he was
tutelar and patron. He was represented, as a man painted black, his head decorated with the
plumes of native wild birds, and crowned by a paper coronet in the shape of a rose. He was
clad in green paper which fell to the knee, and was shod with white sandals. In his left
hand he held a shield painted red, having in the centre a white flower with four petals
placed crosswise, and in his right hand he held a sceptre in the form of a cup.
Yacatecutli
Yacatecutli was the patron of travellers of the merchant class, who
worshipped him by piling their staves together and sprinkling on the heap blood from their
noses and ears. The staff of the traveller was his symbol, to which prayer was made and
ofFerings of flowers and incense tendered.
The Aztec Priesthood
The Aztec
priesthood was a hierarchy in whose hands resided a goodly portion of the power of the upper
classes est)ecially that connected with education and endowment. The mere fact that its
members possessed the power of selecting victims for sacrifice must have been sufficient to
place them in an almost unassailable position, and their prophetic utterances, founded upon
the art of divination-so great a feature in the life of the Aztec people, who depended upon
it from the cradle to the grave-probably assisted them in maintaining their hold upon the
popular imagination. But withal the evidence of unbiased Spanish ecclesiastics, such as
Sahagun, tends to show that they utilised their influence for good, and soundly instructed
the people under their charge in the cardinal virtues; "in short," says the
venerable friar, "to perform the duties plainly pointed out by natural
religion."
Priestly Revenues
The establishment of the national religion
was, as in the case of the mediæval Church in Europe, based upon a land tenure from
which the priestly class derived a substantial though, considering their numbers, by no
means inordinate revenue. The principal temples possessed lands which sufficed for the
maintenance of the priests attached to them. There was, besides, a system of first-fruits
fixed by law for the priesthood, the surplusage therefrom being distributed among the
poor.
Education
Education was entirely conducted by the priesthood, which
undertook the task in a manner highly creditable to it, when consideration is given to
surrounding conditions. Education was, indeed, highly organised. It was divided into primary
and secondary grades. Boys were instructed by priests, girls by holy women or
"nuns." The secondary schools were called calmecac, and were devoted to the
higher branches of education, the curriculum including the deciphering of the
pinturas, or manuscripts, astrology and divination, with a wealth of religious
instruction.
Orders of the Priesthood
At the head of the Aztec priesthood
stood the Mexicatl Teohuatzin (Mexican Lord of Divine Matters). He had a seat on the
emperor's council, and possessed power which was second only to the royal authority. Next in
rank to him was the highpriest of Quetzalcoatl, who dwelt in almost entire seclusion, and
who had authority over his own caste only. This office was in all probability a relic from
"Toltec" times. The priests of Quetzalcoatl were called by name after their
tutelar deity. The lesser grades included the Tlenamacac (Ordinary Priests), who were
habited in black, and wore their hair long, covering it with a kind of mantilla. The lowest
order was that of the Lamacazton (Little Priests), youths who were graduating in the
priestly office.
An Exacting Ritual
The priesthood enjoyed no easy
existence, but led an austere life of fasting, penance, and prayer, with constant observance
of an arduous and exacting ritual, which embraced sacrifice, the upkeep of perpetual fires,
the chanting of holy songs to the gods, dances, and the superintendence of the
ever-recurring festivals. They were required to rise during the night to render praise, and
to maintain themselves in a condition of absolute cleanliness by means of constant
ablutions. We have seen that blood-offering-the substitution of the part for the whole-was a
common method of sacrifice, and in this the priests engaged personally on frequent
occasions. If the caste did not spare the people it certainly did not spare itself, and its
outlook was perhaps only a shade more gloomy and fanatical than that of the Spanish
hierarchy which succeeded it in the land.